Valentina Sovkina: This reminds me of an unequal marriage

Sovkina V.V., Member of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues

22.02.2025

Lately, I have written little and rarely write about public events in which I participate and my opinions on them. However, I want to talk about this particular event, as it also concerns the Lovozero district.

On February 12, a meeting of the working group (hereinafter referred to as WG) was held, organized by Norilsk Nickel to engage with the Sámi on the development of the Kolmozero lithium mining project. The meeting was held online and was attended by company representatives (now officially no longer Norilsk Nickel, but “Polar Lithium” – a subsidiary of Norilsk Nickel and Rosatom), the Council of Indigenous Representatives, members of the Sámi community, and invited experts – Antonina Gorbunova from KMNUnion and Alexey Tsykarev, an expert on indigenous rights and public diplomacy.

I participated in the WG’s work for the first time on September 7, 2023, at the invitation of Alexey and Antonina. The outcomes of these meetings are well covered on the website. What was unusual this time? The fact that the Council of Indigenous Representatives under the Government of the Murmansk Region participated in the meeting almost in full.

In 2009, during the tenure of Governor Y. A. Yevdokimov, the Council of Indigenous Representatives under the Government of the Murmansk Region was allegedly created at the request of Sámi communities. However, in reality, it was established in opposition to the Council of Authorized Sámi Representatives, also known in governmental circles as the Sámi Parliament, which was elected at the 1st Sámi Congress in December 2008.

The government did not adopt the resolution of the 1st Congress but instead approved its own council solely to seize the initiative from the Sámi representative body and suppress at its roots any emerging self-governance and independence of our people. This is an old and predictable story—across Russia, authorities have created such organizations to control civil society.

Now, back to our meeting… As for the session itself, several issues were discussed:

• Actions to be taken when discovering an archaeological monument: documentation and avoiding impact.
• Conducted archaeological research, the identified cultural heritage site, and recommended follow-up work.
• Promotion and protection of indigenous rights in the context of potential impacts on cultural heritage.
• Information on the Kolmozero lithium deposit development project in the Murmansk region.
• Interaction with indigenous and reindeer herding communities.
• Methodology for calculating damages incurred by associations of indigenous peoples of the North, Siberia, and the Russian Far East.

Basically, as always at such meetings, the main speakers were company representatives and participants of the Kolmozero project—those carrying out assignments and research. Maksim Khomyuk asked a few insightful questions. I asked him to send them to me, but he referred to being busy and promised to do so later. I’m waiting.

I don’t want to go into details, but I would like to highlight a few points:

1. 

I found out about the meeting by chance, through third parties, and after learning about it, I had to contact my UN colleague Antonina Gorbunova, asking her to send me the participation link. She did, for which I am especially grateful. On the one hand, it was good that I managed to participate; on the other, the level of communication from the company and those organizing this interaction leaves much to be desired. Information about these meetings simply does not exist in the public domain. A regular person cannot find it, and to attend, one must actively push their way in, knocking on doors to be let through. In my opinion, it would be much more convenient if this information were published in open sources so that any Sámi representatives—and others—could participate. Even if they don’t speak, they could at least listen and have the opportunity to ask questions in the chat.

For example, there are groups on VKontakte: “Lovozertsy” (7K members), “Krasnoschelye” (1K), and “Krasnoscheltsy, Unite” (1.7K), consisting of current and former residents of the Lovozero district. I’m sure they would find this information interesting. It would be possible to include those villagers who wish to participate in such meetings.

As for me personally, I am willing to participate and I am interested in learning about the project, but every time I have to push my way in, so to speak, “break through.” It’s strange that when I ask questions or try to take part in regional and public events, I am seen as an opposition figure or someone asking inconvenient questions. But what about dialogue? I am certain that it is impossible to build one with a silent community.

2.

The fact that the members of the Council under the government participated in full is, on the one hand, a good thing—it increases the number of informed individuals. However, on the other hand, I was concerned by a statement from a company representative during the meeting, saying that they had found a platform for discussing FPIC (Free, Prior, and Informed Consent) in the Council.

It is important to remember that this Council is formed by the Murmansk Regional Government, which also approves its composition. In other words, conducting negotiations with the Council essentially means conducting negotiations indirectly with government representatives who control its activities. Of course, this is convenient for both the company and the authorities.

The situation becomes particularly awkward (or unethical?) considering that Elena Almazova is a member of the Council and, in fact, controls its work while holding three different roles:

• a) A member of the Council under the Government,
• b) An employee of the State Budgetary Institution “Center for the Peoples of the North,” which is subordinate to the Ministry of Internal Policy,
• c) The Chair of the Association of Kola Sámi, which receives funding from Norilsk Nickel under an agreement signed with the company in 2021.

It is difficult to determine whether the right to FPIC, which should theoretically belong to the Sámi people rather than individuals dependent on the administration, has been buried somewhere within the interactions between Elena Almazova, the Murmansk Regional Government, and Norilsk Nickel.

3.

I have heard company representatives complain more than once that the Sámi have to be practically dragged by the hair to attend such meetings, that people are unwilling and do not show up, and that at one of the sessions in Krasnoschelye (which requires hiring a helicopter to organize), only five people attended.

On the one hand, villagers are busy people—it can sometimes be difficult to get us to mobilize. On the other hand, these meetings are often scheduled quite spontaneously. People make plans a week or two in advance, and those plans align with natural cycles and the need to ensure their families’ livelihoods, which is important.

I believe that such meetings should be scheduled at least a month in advance, with as many people as possible being informed during that time. If company representatives or working group members cannot do this themselves, then at least publish the information in VKontakte groups—I already mentioned them above. People will sort it out there, and those who are genuinely interested will come.

At the same time, I do not absolve the residents of responsibility for taking an interest in an industrial project. What will happen, and what will remain after it is completed?

Additionally, meetings could be held in a videoconference format. With prior notification, organizations and cooperatives could arrange participation venues. For example, in Krasnoschelye, people could gather at the “Olenovod” office, the community center, or the administration building, where there is a good internet connection. That way, instead of joining individually via mobile phones, they could participate as a group, discuss matters on the spot, and ask questions directly.

4.

But in my view, the main reason there isn’t much interest in this process is that people have consciously taken the position that this project is necessary for the country, that the state and business—especially Rosatom, as a state-owned company—have already made their decision in advance, and that the project will be implemented regardless of whether anyone wants it or not.

To me, this feels like an unequal marriage—where the parents and the groom have already discussed everything and made all the arrangements, so the bride’s opinion no longer matters. The only thing she is left to decide is whether she would rather keep an iron or a frying pan from her dowry.

A company representative stated that they have already determined how much the company should pay the agricultural cooperatives Olenovod and Tundra for giving up their pastures to Polar Lithium. But the work of this so-called working group—and, more broadly, the relationship between the Sámi and the company in this project—is not a partnership between equals who respect each other. Instead, it resembles the dynamic between an all-powerful master and a group of petitioners from among the people, merely begging for their concerns to be acknowledged.

5.

In this regard, the response from the company representative to my question was quite telling. I asked, “What will happen if the company does not receive FPIC—Free, Prior, and Informed Consent—from the Indigenous people?” To which Vasily Sergeyevich replied, “We have all the resources to conduct thorough negotiations and offer the conditions under which the project can be implemented.”

On the one hand, there’s nothing to argue with. But on the other—how is this not the response of a wealthy groom to a bride, leaving her with no real choice?

In conclusion, I am open to an equal dialogue. If lithium is truly indispensable and needed by the country, then we must carefully study the project and make decisions with mutual respect and cooperation, addressing all critical issues—not only for the project participants but for the Lovozero district as a whole.

Sourced from indigenous-russia.com